Ethiopia’s ‘Master Plan’ – good for development, damaging for minorities

Biraanu Gammachu

August 12, 2014 (Minority Rights) — Ethiopia paints two remarkable but contrasting images before the global eye. On one side we see an independent state, a cradle for human civilization. On the other, we see a state struggling to shrug off poverty, that disgraceful consequence of underdevelopment, poor governance and conflict.

The fall of Ethiopia’s socialist military regime in 1991 ushered in the leadership of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), a coalition party. The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), leading the coalition, engineered Ethiopia’s 1995 Constitution, which charted the country into seven ethnically-divided regional states, two geographically defined regional states and two Provisional City Administrations (Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa).

For the first time, the Meles Zenawi regime officially introduced a multi-party democracy, ethnic federalism and a market economy in a move to curb a history of political, social and economic injustice in Ethiopia. But the reality is very different. Two decades down the road there are glaring facts that show that Zenawi’s vision has done more harm than good to the wider population of Ethiopia, while only benefitting the few in power. The institutionalisation of ethnic politics and ill-conceived ethnic federalism in Ethiopia has mainly served to weaken critical dissent against the state and secure TPLF’s indefinite grip on power.

Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative, a poverty index informed by Amartya Sen’s capability approach, ranked Ethiopia the second poorest country in the world in 2014. However, relentless state-sponsored media has manipulated the public into believing there has been an economic boom, an advancement of social welfare and an improved political environment in Ethiopia since 1991. This stands in contrast to the country’s high unemployment, income disparity and political impasse. Though huge infrastructural developments are being witnessed, Ethiopia’s structure of governance continually reignites dormant conflicts between different socio-linguistic communities in the country, impairing cooperation and provoking mistrust among the population.

‘Addis Ababa under siege’

Addis Ababa is the country’s capital city, financial hub and main gateway to the outside world. ‘Shagar’ (the unofficial name for Addis Ababa) hosts the African Union headquarters and has increasingly attracted international summits.

Addis Ababa is encircled by predominantly ethnic Oromo-inhabited areas; Lagatafo, Sululta, Sabata, Holota and Dukam. For the minority communities in these areas surrounding Ethiopia’s capital, agriculture and rearing livestock is their primary economic activity. Their land is at the centre of their livelihoods, yet they do not have control over it.

In Ethiopia, land is the property of the state, and, alarmingly, people are losing their land to state-directed labour-intensive agriculture, land investment and state land grabbing. The farmers are often excluded from any business concerning their land in the name of ‘development’. The government brushes away the grave concerns of the local farmers, explaining that their actions are necessary for development.

Urbanisation and urban development are growing phenomena and Addis Ababa is no exception. Therefore, it is rational for the government of Ethiopia to develop a proper plan to address stakeholders’ political, economic, social, and environmental interests and thus to ensure sustainable urban development.

Ethiopian farmers winnowing orange lentils. Credit: Bioversity International

In 2011 Addis Ababa and Oromia Special Zone (areas surrounding Addis Ababa which fall under Oromia Regional State) established a joint Project Office to work on urban and development issues common to both Addis Ababa and Oromia Special Zone. The Project Office is led by a board of directors which includes ethnic Oromos such as Mr Kuma Demeksa (mayor of Addis Ababa at this time), Mr Abdulaziz Mohamed (deputy president of Oromia Regional State) and Mr Umer Hussein (head of the Oromia Special Zone). The Project Office did not carry out proper and appropriate consultations with stakeholders before urging the need to formulate an integrated development plan (known as The Master Plan).

Stakeholders from the government and international organisations held a meeting in June 2013 at Adama town and indicated ‘Ethiopia’s interest’ in centralising the country and integrating the economic and social activities of Addis Ababa with its surroundings (Oromia Special Zone) by subtly bypassing the 1995 constitution (which clearly demarcates Oromia from Addis Ababa and observes the ‘special interest of the state of Oromia with respect to supply of services or the utilization of resources or administrative matters’). After being recommended by regional officials and experts from the African Union and UN, the draft plan has only to be approved by the project board and the Addis Ababa City cabinet in order to become effective.

Determined to push its Master Plan forward, the government of Ethiopia claimed it would improve the socio-economic conditions of Addis Ababa and Oromia Special Zone residents. Like most plans which sound good on paper, this one promises ‘to ensure the placement and exercise of a proper industrial waste output management system, to acquire designated industrial zones, and to decongest and coordinate public services for the ever rising city population’.

In April this year, officials from Oromia Special Zone and Addis Ababa City Administration met for an open discussion on the proposed Master Plan in Adama town. The discussion centred on constitutionality and development ethics, and whether moral and ethical guidelines will enter into the Master Plan. However, there is much pressure from federal government to see the plan effectuated.

If implemented, the plan would incorporate Sululta, Bishoftu, Sabata Dukem, Holeta and Ambo, bringing 1.1 million hectares of land under Addis Ababa City Administration and thus endangering the livelihoods of tens of thousands of ethnic Oromo farmers who regard the plan as ‘illegitimate’ and ‘unconstitutional’. They fear that an expansion of Addis Ababa will erode Oromo-inhabited areas, compromising the social setup and diminishing Oromo identity. Proponents of this first view, therefore demand that the Master Plan uphold the constitution, which stipulates that the people of Ethiopia must be at the centre of their own development process, by facilitating free, prior and informed consent, as well as genuine consultation with and adequate compensation for Oromo whose agricultural land is to be consumed by the State.

The Ethnic Oromo Protest and its Achievement

The discussion on the Master Plan at Adama town was partially reported on and broadcast by Oromia’s regional state-owned television station. Footage of a participant’s challenge to the ethical intentions of the plan was circulated on social media and kick-started a protest by Oromo students whose confidence in TPLF had already been damaged by its lack of transparency in its development project.

Protesters in Addis Ababa demand TPLF to stop evicting Oromo farmers and grabbing their land, May 2014.

The ethnic Oromo student protest, which mainly adopted ‘the constitutionalist perspective’, was quite peaceful at first, implicating TPLF for its neglect of development ethics in Ethiopia. However, over time it took a radical course as unclear leadership, ambiguous objectives and ethnic resentment sparked deadly protest.

The violence of the protest meant that Oromo students failed to win either the sympathy of fellow Ethiopians or international support. Ultimately, the peaceful protest which was sabotaged by the secessionists’ political extremism resulted in unnecessary loss of life and property, ethnic strife and the expulsion of Oromo students from various universities.

However, the failed protest taught ethnic Oromos an important lesson. It had clearly indicated the need for ethnic Oromos to refine and clarify their concerns and tailor their demands to Ethiopia’s social and political context. It demonstrated a huge gap in public knowledge of the regime in Ethiopia and its specific failures. It is part of a trial-and-error process whereby Oromo activists attempt to show a constructive attitude, non-violent behaviour and consideration of the wider national context, and to propose a framework of governance superior to the existing ethnocentric regime in Ethiopia.

Ethnic Oromo farmers in Addis Ababa are not the only minority group affected by Ethiopia’s centralised land policy, arbitrary ethnic federalism and unethical development projects across the country. Omo valley communities are threatened in the southern part of the country; there are unheard voices on land investments in Gambella; there is continued unlawful eviction of ethnic Amhars from southern, central and western parts of the country; and land and water grabs have a negative impact on pastoral communities.

What should the Government and Oromo activists do?

The government have all the necessary means and authority to circumvent the looming threats to minority groups in Ethiopia. Its intentions in developing the Master Plan may have been good, but the approach employed in the planning process definitely received a poor welcome from low-ranking OPDO officials, the larger middle-income Oromo population and Oromo university students. In the short-term, therefore, the government should address the ethical dimensions of the Plan by holding genuine consultations leading to informed consent and adequate compensation for evicted farmers.

The government must also apologise and take responsibility for its brutality during the protests where dozens of young Oromo university students were shot dead. The government must learn to bear the costs of being transparent rather than spending millions of taxpayers’ money in lobbying foreign firms to undermine dissenting voices in an attempt to legitimise its half-baked developmental undertakings.

In the long term, Ethiopian technocrats need to work to harmonise a current mismatch between national resource governance and awkward ethnic federalism. This area of conflict must be given proper attention sooner rather than later before it deteriorates beyond repair.

Except for a few powerful individuals, the population at large are the victims of poor governance in Ethiopia. Ethiopians themselves are better equipped to effect change than foreign embassies or institutions. Therefore, ethnic Oromo activists, especially in the Diaspora, should resolve polarising issues and animosity against particular social groups and should instead tackle the specific policy problems in Ethiopia while bringing issues forth in a national context. To this end, the ethnic Oromo activists must distance themselves from unhelpful attitudes of hate, resentment and vengeance. Equally, protesters must detach themselves from radical and anti-Ethiopia groups which only serve to damage solidarity between Ethiopians and to cause acts of inhumanity.

Development without freedom: how aid underwrites repression in Ethiopia

Donor strategi mot Etiopia trenger fundamental nytenkning

Se hele rapporten i  PDF

Etiopia er et av de fattigste landene i verden, og er også en av verdens største mottakere av utenlandsk bistand. Utenlandske givere insisterer på at deres støtte underwrites landbruksvekst, matvaresikkerhet, og andre ikke-politiske programmer. Viser imidlertid Human Rights Watch forskning som bistands renner gjennom, og støtter direkte, en virtuell ettpartistat med en høyst tvilsom menneskerettigheter posten.

Papiret sier at Etiopias praksis inkluderer fengsle politiske opposisjonelle, stanse kritikere og media, og vedta lover for å undergrave menneskerettighetene aktivitet. Denne politiseringen har en direkte innvirkning på livsgrunnlaget for folk for hvem tilgang til landbruket innganger - den tiltenkte bruk av bistand - er et spørsmål om overlevelse.

Forfatteren understreker at Etiopias utenlandske givere er klar over dette diskriminering, men har gjort lite for å løse problemet eller takle sin egen rolle i underwriting regjeringen undertrykkelse. I denne forstand, har donor politikk vært bemerkelsesverdig upåvirket av Etiopias forverres menneskerettighetssituasjonen.

Dokumentet konkluderer med at den etiopiske befolkningen betaler en høy pris for denne tilnærmingen til utvikling. Følgelig trekker det følgende anbefalinger:

• donor strategi mot Etiopia trenger fundamental nytenkning
• i lys av regjeringens brudd på menneskerettighetene, direkte budsjettstøtte til regjeringen bør ikke engang vurderes
• programmer som støttes av internasjonale fond bør uavhengig overvåket
• troverdige revisjon institusjoner bør undersøke bistand til Etiopia i sammenheng med om det bidrar til politisk undertrykkelse
• eksterne givere må være mer vokale om trinnene Etiopia bør ta for å sikre at dets borgere nyte de rettighetene de har krav på etter landets grunnlov og internasjonale menneskerettigheter
• giverland vil utøve langt mer innflytelse på regjeringen hvis de handler sammen i stedet for hver for seg.

Se hele rapporten i  PDF

Melbournians Hold a Concert for Oromo Human Rights

(Advocacy for Oromia, 12 August 2014) — The Human Rights Concert for Oromia was held in Ascot Vale, a suburb of Melbourne, Australia, on August 9, 2014.

Bonsen Dhabasa, 10 years old boy who was six months old when his father was arrested; five years old when his mother was imprisoned presented his memoir of persecution account on this Human Rights for Oromia concert in Melbourne.

This is our Human Rights Concert. The people coming together as one and uniting against a common enemy! Corrupt power. We are the voice of the people! This is dedicated to those suffering under suppression and Human Rights Abuses. The people on the ground who are treated like collateral damage by those who have vested interests and no concern for human values or human rights!

Melbourne’s diverse communities came out to support the Oromo people’s struggle for human rights, and oppose the ongoing human rights violations against Oromo students and civilians by the Ethiopian TPLF regime.

The people coming together as one and uniting against a common enemy! Corrupt power. The big message of the day was, “We are the voice of the people!”

This is dedicated to those suffering under suppression and Human Rights Abuses. The people on the ground who are treated like collateral damage by those who have vested interests and no concern for human values or human rights!

Currently, thousands of Oromo students and civilians are languishing in Ethiopian government’s prisons in connection with #OromoProtests, a movement which opposes the Ethiopian TPLF regime’s Master Plan to expand the boundaries of Addis Ababa (Finfinne), and subsequently to dispossess Oromo farmers surrounding Finfinne of their lands, and evict them from their ancestral lands.

go to link http://ayyaantuu.com/human-rights/melbournians-hold-a-concert-for-oromo-human-rights/

የበረሃዉ ጥሪ ከተማሪዉ አንደበት

በጂቱለሚ | Hagayyaa 5, 2014

ብዕሬን ስነጠቅ ፤ እሮሮዉ ሲበዛ ጠመንጃዉ ትዝ አለኝ::

መልዕክት ለትግራዩ የወንበዴ ቡድን!

እናቴ በተፈጥሮዋ ቻይና ርኅሩኅ ናት። ሰሞኑን ግን ከወትሮዋ በተለያ መልኩ ማልቀሱን አብዝተዋለች።  እናቴ ‘Abdii koo’ በሚትለዋ አጭር ሀረግ ብቻ ደስታዋን ፣ ሀዘኗን ፣ ስስትዋን ፣ ጥልቅ የእናትነት ፍቅሯን ፣ ተስፋዋን ፣ ምክሯን ፣ ግሳፄዋን ፣ድካሟን ፣ ብርታቷን… ሁሉ ነገሯን ትገልጻለች። በቤት ዉስጥ የምንኖረዉ ሁለታችን ብቻ ነን ። ማታ ማታ እቤት ዉስጥ ቁጭ ስንል እኔ TVዉ ላይ ሳፈጥ እሷ ደግሞ በTVዉ ግርጌ  በተንጠለጠሉ ፎቶዎች ላይ ዐይኗን ተክላ ታሰላስላለች። አንደኛዉ ፎቶ ያባቴ ሲሆን ሌሎቹ የዘመድአዝማድ ፎቶዎች ናቸዉ። እናቴ ከፎቶዎቹ መካከል አንደኛዉን አተኩራ ባየች ቁጥር ዕንባዋን መቆጣጠር ይሳናትና ወደ ጓዳ ገብታ ታለቅሳለች። ተመልሳ ትመጣና ደግሞ እንዳልከፋ ልታረሳሳኝ ትጥራለች።

እንዳለመታደል ሆኖ ይህንን የናቴን መሪር ህይዋትና በቤተሰቤ ላይ የተጫነዉን አስከፊ ግጽታ ማጤን የጀመርኩት ገና ሕጻን እያለሁ ነበር። አባቴ በከተማዋ ስመጥር የህክምና ባለሙያ ነበሩ። በአንድ የመንግስት ሆስፒታል ዉስጥ ከሚሰጡት የህክምና አገልግሎት በተጨማሪ የግል ክሊኒክ ከፍተዉ በትርፍ ጊዜያቸዉ ለኀብረተሰቡ አገልግሎት ይሰጣሉ። አገልግሎታቸዉ ከሞላጎደል የነጻ ያህል ስለሆና አንዳንዴ የህክምና ቁሳቁስ መግዣ ወጪዎችን ከራሳቸዉ ኪስ ለመሸፈን ይገደዳሉ። እናም ቤተሰቡ ለክፉ ቀን እንኳ የሚሆን የመጠባበቂያ ገንዘብ የለዉም ነበር። ሆኖም ግን ቤተሰቡ በእጅጉ ደስተኛ ነዉ ማለት ይቻላል።

አባቴ ስለኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ታሪክ፤ ባሕልና ወግ ያላቸዉ ጥልቅ ዕዉቀትና በኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ላይ የሚደርሰዉን ብሔራዊ  ጭቆናን አስመልክቶ ከሚያሳዩት ግልጽ ተቃዉሞ የተነሳ ወዳጅና ጠላት እንዲያፈሩ አስችሏቸዋል።በተለይ ደግሞ አንደበተርቱዕነታቸዉና አልበገሬነታቸዉ ታክሎበት የበርካታ ኦሮሞ ወጣቶችን ልብ በቀላሉ ማሸነፍ በመቻላቸዉ በጠላቶቻቸዉ ጥርስ ዉስጥ የመግባት ዕድላቸዉን አስፍቷል። በዚሁ አቋማቸዉ ሳቢያ በወያኔ የጸጥታ ኃይሎች ከፍተኛ  ክትትል ስለሚደረግባቸዉ የእናቴ የሰቀቀን ሕይወት መነሻው ከዚህ ይጀምራል።

አንድ ቀን አባቴ እንደ ልማዳቸዉ ሥራ ቦታ አምሽተዉ ወደ ቤታቸዉ በማምራት ላይ ሳሉ የቤተሰቡን ዓምድ የሚያናጋ ድርጊት ተፈጸመ። አባቴ በቤታቸዉ ደጃፍ ላይ በአምስት ጥይቶች ተደብድበዉ ተገደሉ። የቤተሰቡ  ሕይወት በአጠቃላይ፤ የእናቴ ልብ ደግሞ በተለይ ላይድን ቆሰለ። በወቅቱ ሕጻን በመሆኔ የአባቴን መገደል ታሪካዊ አንምደታ በዉል ባልረዳም እንደጅረት የፈሰሰዉ ያ ደም በትንሿ ኣእምሮዬ በመቀረፁ እያደር የሕመሙ ጥልቀት ይሰማኝ ጀመረ።

ከአባቴ መገደል በኋላ በአካባቢዉ ላይ የተቀሰቀሰዉ ከፍተኛ የብሔርተኝነት ስሜት ከባዱን የቤተሰቤን ሃዘን በመጠኑም ቢሆን ያቃለለዉ ይመስለኛል። ለዓብነት ያህል አባቴ ጀምሮት የነበረዉ የመኖርያ ቤት ግንባታ ብሔርተኞቹ በቋቋሙት ግብረኃይል አማካይነት በሚያስገርም መልኩ ተጠናቅቆ ቤተሰቤ የዘመናዊ መኖርያ ቤት ባለቤት መሆን ቻለ። እናቴ እንደዋዛ የጀመረችዉ ትንሽዬ ሱቅ ግብረኃይሉ ባደራጀዉ የገበያ መዋቅር የቅድሚያ ተጠቃሚ እንድትሆን በመደረጉ በርካታ ደንበኞችን ኣፍርታ ወደ ዘመናዊ መደበር ተቀየረች። ትናንሽ ህጻናት እንኳ ሳይቀሩ ለዕቃ ግዥ ሲላኩ እረጅም መንገድ በማቋረጥ ምርጫቻውን የኛ ሱቅ ያደርጉ ነበር። እነሆ የአባቴ መገደል እንደ ገዳዮቹ ምኞትና ስሌት በአካባቢዉ ላይ የፍርሃትና መሸማቀቅ ስሜትን የሚያነግስ ሳይሆን በተቃራኒዉ የህዝቡን ቁጣና ብሔራዊ ስሜትን የሚያቀጣጥል ሆኖ ተገኘ።

እናም የተንኮላቸዉን መክሸፍ የተረዱ እኚህ የትግራይ ነፍሰገዳይ ወንበዴዎች እርር ድብን ኣሉ። በዚህ ዓይነቱ ሕዝባዊ ድጋፍ ከፍተኛ መጽናናት ያገኘችዉ እናቴ በሀዊ ለከፍተኛ ትምህርት ከቤተሰቡ ተነጥላ ርቃ መሄድ ምክንያት ተዳፍኖ የቆየዉ ኀዘኗና ስጋቷ ዳግም ተቀሰቀሰ።

ሀዊ ብቸኛ እህቴ ናት። በእኔና በሷ መካከል መጠነኛ የዕድሜ ልዩነት በመኖሩ የነገሮችን ትርጉምና አንድምታ ከኔ በተሻለ መልኩ በጥልቀት ለመረዳት ችላለች። በተለይ ደግሞ የአባቴን ገዳዮችና የግድያዉን ታሪካዊ ትርጉም ቀን በቀን ሳትሰላች ትነግረኝ ነበር። ሀዊ  ብዙ ስሜቶችን ከአባታችን ወርሳለች። ከእሳቸዉ ህልፈት በኋላ ደግሞ በእልህና ቁጭት የእሳቸዉን ዓላማና አቋም ይዛ ወጣች። ልክ አባቴ ስያደርግ እንደነበር ባሕሏንና ታሪኳን በአደባባይ መመስከር ልማዷ ሆና። ድፍረቷ፣ ልበ-ሙሉነቷ፣ በራስ መተማመኗና ብሔራዊ ኩራቷ ላይ የሴትነት ዉበቷ ታክሎበት ያለዕድሜዋ ልዩ ግርማ-ሞገስና አድናቆትን ኣጎናጸፋት። ሀዊ በትምህርቷም ጎበዝ ከሚባሉ ተማሪዎች መካከል የመጀመሪያዉን ስፍራ ስለሚትይዝ: በሁሉም ነገር ተምሳሌት ለመሆን የበቃች ብርቅዬ የማለዳ ጀምበር ሆነች።

በወርሃ ግንቦት 2014 እጅግ  ሰቅጣጭ አደጋ በድጋሚ ወደ ቤታችን ገባ። ይህኛዉን አደጋ እኔም ሆንኩ እናቴ በፊፁም ልንቋቋመዉ የሚንችል ዓይነት አልሆነም። ሀዊ በምትማርበት ዩንቨርሲቲ ዉስጥ በነዚያዉ ልማደኛ ጭራቆች ተገድላ እሬሳዋ ተጭኖ መጣልን። ይህች የብዙሃን ተስፋ፣ የማለዳ ብርሃን በአጭሩ ተቀጨች።  የማየዉና የምሰማዉ ነገር ሁሉ ክፉ ቅዠት እንጂ በዉኑ የማየዉ ክስተት አልመስል አለኝ። መፈጠሬን እስከምጠላ ድረስ ሁሉ ነገር ጨለመብኝ። ይባስ ብሎም ደግሞ እናቴ በድንጋጤ ብዛት ወደ ኣእምሮዋ መመለስ ተስኗታል። ይህንን የሰቀቀን ታሪክ ለመተረክ አሁንም ቢሆን  አቅም ያንሰኛል።

እሮሮዉ በዛ፤ ግፉ ከልኩ አለፈ። ስቃዩ አንገሸገሸን።  ከሀዊኮ ቀብር በኋላ ከሕጻንነቴ ጀምሮ ስቃይና መከራ ወደ ተፈራራቀብኝ ቄዬ ተመልሼ ብዙም የመቆየት ፍላጎት አልነበረኝም። ሆኖም ግን ለተወሰኑ ቀናት ከእናቴ አጠገብ መራቁን አልወደድኩም። እናቴ እነዚያን ፎቶዎች እያየች ሌተቀን አምርራ ማልቀሷን ቀጥላበታለች። መጽናናት ኣልተቻላትም። ከንግዲህወዲያእናቴንየሚያጽናናትነገርቢኖርአንድብቻነዉ።እሱምእነዚያንሰዉበላጭራቆችንአሳዶየሚወጋላትጀግናንአብዝታትሻለች። ያ ደግሞ ከኔዉ ከአንድ ልጇ ይጀምራል። መራራዉን የእናቴን ሀዘን ቁጭ ብዬ የማይበት ወቅት  አለመሆኑን ተረዳሁ።

እናም አራቱንየቁርጥ ቀን ጓደኞቼን አስከትዬ ወደ በረሃው አመራን።  የጀግና መሃላ ይዘን፣ የበረሃዉን ጥሪ ተከትለን በጀግኖች ዓምባ ፣ ዉሎዉና አዳሩ ከማይታወቅ ከባለ ጎፈሬዉ የበረሃ አንበሳ፣ ተራራና ሸለቆዉን ሲፈትሽ ዉሎ ከሚያድረዉ ከፈጣኑ በራሪ የደጋ ንስር ጋር ተቀላቅያለሁ። ወገቤ ከዝናሩ፣ ትከሻዬ ከብረቱ ጋር ተስማምቷል። የጥይቱ ቃቃታ ፣ የባሩዱ ሽታ ፣ የገዳዩ ፉከራ ተመችቶኛል። የወገኔን ደም ፣ የህዝቤን ዕምባ እስከምበቀልና የኦሮሚያን ነጻነት እስከማረጋግጥ ድረስ ፈጽሞ ዕረፍት ኣላገኝም። ለዚህ ደግሞ ቃሌ ፍጹም ፣ ትጥቄ ጥብቅ ፣ ሀሞቴ መራራ ፣ ክንዴ ብርቱ ፣ እርምጃዬ ፈጣን ፣ ዓላማዬ ጽኑ ነዉና ከእንግዲህ ይህ ነፍሰ-በላዉ የትግሬ ቡድንና ምስለኔዎቹ በየመንደሩና በየጎጡ እየዞሩ ኣሉባልታ እየነዙና ንጹሃንን እየገደሉ ተዳላድሎ የመኖሪያ ዘመን በእርግጠኝነት ያከትማል። አሁን ባላችሁበት ሁሉ ብሶት ከወለዳቸዉ ሕዝባዊ ታጋዮች ጋር ልትጋፈጡ ነዉ። ግፍና እሮሮዉ በዝቶ ሕዝባዊ እሳት ወልዷልና ለዘመነ ፍጻሜያችሁ ተሰናዱ።

የንጹሃን ደም ሁሌም ይፋረዳል!

ጂቱ ለሚ ነኝ ከኦሮሚያ

Ethiopia : British – Ethio immoral policy in Benishangul

By Khalid Nasser Benishangul activist and Ahmed Abdi | August 3, 2014

The British people have moral and legal responsibility toward the Benishangul people, because if it was not for British economic interest policy, the Benishangul would not be part of the so called Abyssinia

The British has been looked at as slavery abolitionist and, human rights protectionist but the world has forgotten that many nations have suffered from the British economy interest based policies. both slavery and colonization are the same, at least slavery is less harmful because a group of people are hunted and taken to work in the sugar colonies, which mean targeting people and preserving the recourses of slave originated countries, but colonization involves domination, repression, subjugation and resources exploitation, which is indirectly worst than slavery because the entire human beings and the resources are controlled by the colonizers in the colonized country.

There would not be slavery abolishment if it was not for the economy interest of the British, because the independence of America, the decline of sugar colonies due to slavery revolts and resistances, and most of all industrial revolution in 18th Century have contributed significantly in getting rid of slave-based economy. So the Europeans have reinvented a new way of controlling the people and the resources of Africa, Asia and Latin America, that new invented method of domination was and still it is colonization.

Cotton rather than sugar became the raw material that the Britain needed for production, as Manchester and other cities became the centre of importance to the world due to the cotton products. This has increased the demand for raw materials, that made the Britain to search for new fertile lands for cotton plantation and new market for its products, in order to implement that they invaded Africa after the Berlin Conference in 1884 -1885, the conference in which they divided Africa that is not theirs. This unjust policy of repressive Britain power that invaded Sudan in 1898 made Egypt and Sudan colonies of the Britain.

The British made decision to retain control over the entire Nile Basin as well as Egypt, and Ethiopia became a source of anxiety to British policy-makers, because the Ethiopian Mountainsfurnish Egypt and Sudan with abundant of water, and the Britain is threatened by the fact that Ethiopia which is in possession of the mountains may flood the valley of the Nile or make a desert which would turn the cotton plantations in Egypt and Sudan into nothing.

Therefore, the Britain has made an arrangement that suited Menelik as Harrington said that ‘ Her Majesty’s government did not recognize Menelek’s right to this area but might be prepared to make an arrangement to suit his wishes’, this mean the Britain government new that Abyssinian has no right to claim Benishangul, not only that Harrington retorted to the Menelek claims of Ethiopia saying that ‘……for that matter it was open to doubt whether his country was the Ethiopia known in ancient history’, that was said by Harrington because he knew that Ethiopa meant to be Sudan not the current land which used to be known by Al Habasha and Abyssinia until its admission into leg of nation when its name was changed to Ethiopia.

The negotiation between Menelek and Britain continued, and Britain refused to recognize Menelek claim on Benishangul, and maintained its rights on all provinces that were under Egypt control, in fact Harington replied to Menelek that ‘England as the protectors and controllers of Egyptian interests, had already stated her intention of recovering Egypt’s lost provinces for her’. In fact the first instructions that were given to Harington by the British Government in order to resume outline in the negotiation were 1 he was to tell Menelek ‘that we have not intension of encroaching on territory which has always belonged to Abyssinia’ 2 that Great Britain claims the whole of the territory between Abyssinia and the Nile which formerly belonged to Egypt. That was a clear indication that there was nothing called Ethiopia until the time of negotiation, and Abyssinian border was limited to the land of highlanders,which included Gojam, Gondar, Tigray ,Showa and wollo. That is why the British government used to address all its letters and official talks as Abyssinia ,its historical name not Ethiopia which is fake and stolen name.

Harold G. Marcus in his publication ‘Ethio-British Negotiations Concerning the Western Border with Sudan’ stated that ‘Harrington said that her Majesty’s government did not recognize Menelek’s right to this area,but might be prepared to make an arrangement to suit his wishes’. In 19 May 1899 a meeting broke up in an argument over the Benishangul area. On 26 May Harrington reported to Cromer that Menelek had his heart set on Benishangul and that nothing short of using force would induce him to abandon his claims to it. According, he hoped the arrangement he had made would be satisfactory to the British government. He had told Menelek that he would say nothing more about Benishangul if the concession for gold-mining in the area would be guaranteed to the British capitalists’. And also Harrington secured the most important part of their policy in Africa ensuring that there would be no interference with the water flow of the Blue Nile and Lake Tana unless Her Majesty and the Sudan government agrees on, and finally for the British to have the right to construct a railway through Abyssinian territory to connect the Sudan with Uganda.

Accordingly, Abyssinia has no right on Benishangul, the negotiation between Abyssinia and Britain was not that easy, and it is proven that Britain maintained its demand on all territories that were under Egyptian control, but the influences of France and Russian policies in the region has compelled Britain to surrender to the Menelek grip on Benishangul, this is how Benishangul became part of a country that is different and strange to the people of Benishangul. Therefore, the so called Ethiopian governments have done nothing to implement any project that would prosper and develop Benishangul people, since 1898 no schools, no hospitals, no projects, the only thing the people of Benishangul has been experiencing are killing, imprisonment and depriving the people off their land and waves of settling highlanders in Benishangul.

The British people have moral and legal responsibility toward the Benishangul people, because if it was not for British economic interest policy, the Benishangul would not be part of the so called Abyssinia which became Ethiopia in 20th Century, the entire conditions of the agreements were based on meeting the Britain short and long term policy, now it is 21st Century and the Benishangul people are still under the repressions and subjugation of Abyssinia that have no mercy on others, in fact the brutality of Abyssinia is not new, the British has experienced the savageness of Abyssinia in Magdella, thus, we request the 21st British generation to investigate the Ethiopian policies in Benishangul, and exercise pressure to release thousands of imprisoned politicians.

Is being a journalist a crime in Ethiopia?

By Hurissa Alemu

July 28, 2014

The dictatorial regime in Ethiopia-led by minority group, TPLF continued stepping up its efforts against press freedom by firing about 20 Oromo journalists from the state-run Oromia Radio and Television Organization (ORTO).

The Ethiopian regime dismissed the journalists from their job without giving any acceptable reason except accusing them of “narrow political views”. As some of the journalists who were among those dismissed said “the reality behind the firing of the Oromo journalists by the regime is the fact that the Oromo journalists exposed the Ethiopian government plan to expand the capital city or Finfinne by evicting Oromo farmers from their indigenous land which caused a wide scale protest through Oromia region against this plan.” The protest was organized by Oromo University and high school students together with local people resulting in the death, injury and the arrest of many students and locals after federal police fired live ammunition against protesters even though the protest was peaceful. In fact persecution, firing, harassment, arresting, torture of journalists and violation of press freedom is not a new incident in Ethiopia under the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front(EPRDF), as the government made a habit of it. We don’t need to look any farther, just two months ago the same government arrested three journalists and six bloggers, called zone 9 bloggers. I don’t remember a single year, which went by without the TPLF/EPRDF lead regime firing and arresting journalists since they came to power in 1991.

For instance, only between 2005 and 2009 about 150 journalists have been forced to leave theirhomeland, (mereja.com) and in connection with 2005 Ethiopian general election the regime had put in jail 17 editors and publishers (cpj.org). The Ethiopian regime is unrestrained by the law and constitution of the country, they do everything and anything as they please without regard for the rule of law. The continuation of persecution, harassment and firing of journalists from their job in connection with their coverage of the students’ protest against the government’s plan to expand Finfinnee by what was called Master plan, which some people termed as Master killer; and the eviction of farmers from their indigenous land is another proof of the Ethiopian regime’s dictatorial and oppressive nature.

It is not difficult to come up with the conclusion that the Ethiopian government wants a journalist who will act as the government mouth piece, to report and promote the interest of the ruling party not that of the larger society as stipulated in the constitution. No one can blame the journalists except TPLF regime and its members since the journalists have the moral and ethical obligations to report such horrific incidents as happened in Ambo and other regions of Oromia. If the Ethiopian regime fires journalists because of doing their job it simply means they don’t want what was reported to reach the people of Ethiopia and the larger world. As it is known, humanitarian and Human Right organizations have been extremely restricted in the country resulting in lack of information especially beyond the capital city. As the Ethiopian regime is always fabricating false documents to crackdown and silence dissent, bloggers and journalists remain the target accused of sympathizing with Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and G7.

The main problem in Ethiopia stems from the fact that the regime and the parliament are the same in form and action. There is no any opposition in the parliament when laws are passed with the aim to discriminate and silence anyone who disagrees with the government. As we know, since the anti- terrorist law was formed, the law is always in favour of the government because when the government fails to indoctrinate you into their ideology, they categorize you as a terrorist and the enemy of the regime in power. Woyanes always deny facts, tell white lies to the people of Ethiopia and the world and want to maintain power at all costs by terrorizing innocent people every single day with the help of the law which was purpose made for the job.

As we know, respect for the freedom of speech is considered an important part of the rule of law and a fundamental requirement to democracy. Freedom of expression concerns the right of citizens to express themselves by giving or receiving information. Freedom of expression is a human right. All people should be allowed to give their views to others, without being subjected to threats. However, in Ethiopia people are always subjected to threats being pestered by the rogue regime if and when they do not think like TPLF and its members. In general, there is no basic freedom of any sort and freedom of speech in Ethiopia under the Woyane rules.

I believe that the pain that we’ve all felt since Eskinder Nega, Reeyot Alemu, and all Oromo journalists who have been dismissed from their job and who are in prison now including the Zone 9 bloggers as a result of inhuman acts of TPLF against them is enormous. We have to do all we can to join hands and oust TPLF regime in order to meet the demand of our people who are hungry for freedom and justice as they suffer in the hands of TPLF brutal regime. I believe, if we stand together with all the oppressed nations and nationalities we will be able to get this done sooner than later. The suffering of our innocent people demand from us to work with all the people who believe in justice and freedom.

At the end I would like to urge all oppressed people who are really looking for a true freedom to stand together to replace the fake TPLF/EPRDF democracy by a real one.

ejeru412@hotmail.com

Ethiopia still needs a ‘strong hand’: PM

Georges Gobet | AFP | Getty Images

July 24, 2014 (CNBC) — The World Bank is “wrong” about how hard it is to do business in Ethiopia, Hailemariam Desalegn the country’s prime minister has told CNBC.

In its latest report on the country published in May 2014, the World Bank highlighted that Ethiopia had slipped in its Doing Business ranking due to deterioration in investor protection, registration of property, access to finance and competitiveness.

But in an exclusive interview with CNBC’s Yousef Gamal El-din on Access Africa, Desalegn rejected the organization’s latest findings saying “what the report says and what’s happening on the ground are to the contrary”.

With its economic output growing by an average of 10.9 percent over the past 10 years, Ethiopia is the world’s 12th fastest growing economy, according to the World Bank. But growth is starting to slip and in 2012/2013, went below the two-digit mark, at 9.8 percent.

Despite the service sector having overtaken agriculture as the biggest contributor to gross domestic product – it represents 45 percent of the country’s GDP – Ethiopia has, according to the World Bank, “above average restrictions on foreign equity ownership” in many sectors, particularly in the service industry. The list of prohibited sectors includes telecommunications, financial services, media, retail trade and transport.

The country will open up those sectors to international competition, just “not now”, Desalegn told CNBC, “but when our local sector flexes its muscles, then we will open up, because we can compete”.

Ethiopia is at the early stages of development, the prime minister went on to explain, adding that a “strong hand” from the government is therefore justified.

Governments in both the U.S. and U.K. had a “strong hand” in their economies “at the early stage of take-off”, but now that they’ve matured, “they forget that they started the same way as we are doing now”.

“Simply because Thatcher and Reagan announced neo-liberalism, it doesn’t mean that Ethiopia is going to take it now because at this early stage of development in every transition economy, there is a huge market gap that the private sector is not able to fill”. Only when the gap is filled, will the country open up those sectors, he concluded.

According to Anna Rosenberg, associate practice leader for Sub-Saharan Africa at Frontier Strategy Group, there are rumours that some multinationals have managed to find a way to circumvent those rules and bought stakes in technology companies servicing the banking industry. “That way they get through the back door”, she explained.

The government’s so-called strong hand has already had positive impact. As the World Bank noted, tax revenues shot up due to “vigorous tax reform measures” and changes to regulatory institutions have “improved the quality of business support and considerably reduced the cost of doing business”.

Furthermore, inflation has been drastically slashed. While it stood at 39.2 percent and 15.6 percent respectively in November 2011 and 2012, it was at 7.9 percent in November 2013.

The country’s road to financial credibility improved further in April when the world’s top credit ratings agencies issued their first ratings, fuelling rumors that Ethiopia was gearing up for a bond issue.

Fitch and S&P both awarded Ethiopia a B rating with stable outlook while Moody’s was a bit more generous with a B1 grade.

“The business environment is attractive”, Anna Rosenberg continued, “as the government really wants companies to come in and invest”.

However, Rosenberg adds “the opportunities are overstated”. Despite the country being the second most-populous country in Africa and poverty having been reduced to 29.6 percent of the population in 2010/11 from 45.5 percent in 1995/1996, according to the World Bank, “the majority of inhabitants still have very low income levels”, highlights Rosenberg.

With the country positioning itself as a manufacturing hub, Rosenberg says, it is more likely to become a bigger export market before it becomes a large consumer market.
Source: CNBC